After many talks, peace in Aceh still far away

The Aceh conflict could never be resolved if a lack of sincerity, honesty and trust between the government of Indonesia and the Aceh rebels remains unreciprocated. Beginning from the Sukarno era when Teuku Daud Beureuh waged an Islam-based uprising against Jakarta in 1953, followed by the subsequent emergence of Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in December 1976 where Hasan Tiro resumed the struggle, while Soeharto was in power. It continued up to the era of Megawati Soekarnoputri and is now a problem for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's government.And yet, separatist sentiment in Aceh has not been resolved, despite the fact that the Military Operation Area (DOM) was removed by president B.J. Habibie (1998-1999) and dialogs were pursued by president Abdurrahman Wahid (1999-2001).

It is nevertheless important to take a close look at the recent talks in Helsinki. The second round of peace talks, which concluded on Feb. 23, 2005 was facilitated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI), a global mediator headed by former president of Finland, Martti Ahtissari. To a great degree, the CMI has succeeded, just by bringing the parties in dispute to the negotiating table for the first time since Megawati launched a massive military operation in Aceh on May 19, 2003.

The Indonesian delegation, including three ministers, seemed satisfied that the RI-GAM talks have reached a new understanding on issues pending among them. The delegation is still offering "a special autonomy status" while GAM prefers the use of the term "self-rule". They agreed on another round of negotiations, which will take place in Finland next month.

After the failures of so many talks in the past, GAM and the government of Indonesia seem to have fully realized that "the language of the gun" has proved ineffective to settle their conflicts. The tidal waves that hit Aceh on Dec. 26, 2004, claiming more than 230,000 people while leaving about 400.000 others homeless were perhaps another reason why the two sides got closer and agreed to a dialog. Hundreds of GAM members died or went missing when the tsunami swept away Meulaboh and Banda Aceh, while relatives of GAM's Sweden-based high command may have been affected too.

I suddenly remembered while watching local Indonesian TV news, how the government of Megawati, in April 2003, accused GAM of violating the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA). On the other side, GAM denied the allegations and stated through its spokesman in Sweden, Bachtiar Abdullah, that it was still abiding by the COHA, an agreement signed in Geneva on Dec. 9, 2002. It is difficult to judge which side was the first cease-fire violator of the COHA. What was very clear, not only the Indonesians, but also the world, was that the deadlock in the COHA was leading inevitably to the imposition of a military operation in Aceh, which occurred a month later in May 2003.

However, many observers predicted that the Megawati government's bold decision to deploy soldiers to Aceh was because she was so inspired by the success of the US invasion of Iraq.President George W. Bush launched the attack on Iraq on March 20, 2003 and on April 9, Saddam's regime fell. Megawati's policy-makers seemingly knew very well that military force could solve the Aceh conflict as Washington did in the Iraqi issue. It was probably based on this fact that Jakarta's negotiations with GAM were cut off. As a result of what they saw in Baghdad, the rooting out of separatism in Aceh by military means was considered the best option.

Unfortunately, Megawati along with her government's inner-circle in Jakarta had clearly underestimated GAM. In spite of repeated statements by Army chief Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, recently replaced, in the first days of military operation in Aceh that all rebels would have been crushed quickly, GAM remains strong even if Jakarta subsequently extended the operation for another six months.

The presence of thousands of TNI troops in Aceh, backed by both air power and naval power has not meant the killing of even half of the Aceh rebels, whom Indonesian Military Headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta estimated at 6,000. I personally believe in Ryamizard's sincerity, but he might not have come to the full knowledge that keeping a few hundreds separatists alive would likely be in the interests of some top officers within the TNI.

The GAM-RI efforts to end their long-standing disputes, as we have now seen, are showing positive signs. When guns are no longer effective, then dialogs and talks should be again looked at. This progress must be kept intact. Additionally, what Wiryono Sastrohandoyo, formerly Head of RI's Negotiating Team, and Zaini Abdullah of GAM reached in Geneva's agreement in December 2002 should be included in the forthcoming scheduled talks in Finland. That "the government of Indonesia and GAM share the common objective to meet the aspirations of the people of Aceh to live in security with dignity, peace, prosperity and justice". This must become the fundamental commitment of both the government and GAM. Failing to carefully stick to that would only yield to meaningless further peace negotiations.

Whatever the commitments are made in Finland, the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement must honor them. The failure of both President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Muhammad Hasan Tiro to learn from the past mistakes as well as the "Tragedy of the Tsunami" would only worsen the situation of already devastated Aceh. They must also learn from what the Chinese military philosopher, Sun Tzu, once said, "there is no instance of any nation having gained a benefit from prolonged war".

In short, peace can prevail in Serambi Mekah (Veranda of Mecca) if traits such as sincerity, honesty, trust and what Sun Tzu concluded are also deeply embedded in the hearts of both Jakarta and GAM. Good Luck!

The writer recently completed his M.A. in Political Science (International Relations) at the International Islamic University in Islamabad, and is now pursuing a Ph.D at Harvard University. He is the author of Membongkar Ambisi Global AS (A Disclosure of U.S. Global Ambition), 2003.

Pemicu Munculnya Aliran Sesat

Tulisan Bustanuddin Agus, Guru Besar Sosiologi Universitas Andalas, Padang berjudul Ekstasi dan Aliran Sesat sangat penting untuk direnungkan (Republika, 3/11/07). Kita mungkin digelayuti pertanyaan besar: mengapa pelbagai musibah seakan tak usai melanda negeri ini? Setelah bencana gempa bumi di sejumlah wilayah Tanah Air dan letusan Gunung Soputan di Minahasa dan Gunung Kelud di Jawa Timur, muncul pula paham Al Qiyadah Al Islamiyah.

Mabes Polri menjadi repot karena massa Muslim di berbagai daerah beramai-ramai melakukan penggerebekan dan aksi unjuk rasa. Polri bergegas memburu penyebar aliran meresahkan ini (Republika, 30/10/07). Melalui media cetak dan elektronika, kita juga bisa menyaksikan bagaimana umat Islam di Bogor, Bandung, Padang, Lampung, dan Jakarta bersemangat menuntut agar aliran menyimpang tersebut segera dienyahkan. Perbincangan seputar aliran sesat pun kembali mencuat di mana-mana.

Penyesatan akidah

Aliran bermarkas di Gunung Bundar, Bogor, Jawa Barat, pimpinan Abu Salam alias Ahmad Mushaddeq yang hanya mewajibkan shalat satu kali dalam semalam dan meniadakan puasa ini resmi divonis sesat oleh Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI). Berbeda dengan Alqaidah (organisasi yang diklaim sebagai jaringan penebar teror dengan tudingan aksi-aksi pengeboman yang dialamatkan padanya) aliran Al Qiyadah Al Islamiyah lebih mengarah pada penyesatan akidah (keyakinan dalam beragama). Kita bersyukur karena MUI dan berbagai elemen masyarakat, utamanya umat Islam segera merespons. Berkaca pada kasus Al Qiyadah Al Islamiyah tersebut, sebenarnya ada pertanyaan yang sangat signifikan: mengapa aliran semacam ini (bisa) muncul? Padahal, di Timur Tengah misalnya, isu-isu aliran sesat nyaris tidak pernah terdengar. Merujuk pada pengalaman penulis selama 10 tahun di Pakistan (pusat Aliran Ahmadiyah sedunia) dan hasil observasi tentang aliran sesat di Tanah Air, setidaknya ada tiga faktor penting yang wajib kita cermati bersama. Pertama, kondisi tersebut muncul akibat kurangnya perhatian tokoh agama pada umatnya. Ketika orang-orang yang dianggap sebagai panutan umat terkesan hanya sibuk mengurusi kepentingan diri sendiri, golongan maupun menceburkan diri kedalam ranah politik, maka wajar bila sebagian dari umat yang tergolong awam mencari pegangan lain. Kalangan awam ini, pada prinsipnya, tidak mempersoalkan apakah ajaran baru yang mereka peroleh menyimpang dari norma-norma akidah. Yang mereka butuhkan adalah untaian kalimat sejuk dan perhatian dari orang yang dianggap sebagai panutan.

Kedua, aliran-aliran sesat itu bisa jadi muncul sebagai grand design pihak asing untuk menghancurkan akidah umat Islam Indonesia. Jika data statistik yang dijadikan patokan, maka Indonesia adalah negara berpenduduk mayoritas Muslim tersbesar di dunia. Ada semacam kekhawatiran bahwa peradaban Islam diprediksikan akan kembali berjaya seperti di masa Dinasti Abbasiyyah (750 M – 1258 M). Kiblatnya tidak lagi di kawasan Timur Tengah, tetapi Benua Asia dengan Indonesia sebagai titik sentralnya. Tentu saja banyak pihak yang sekarang merasa paling bergengsi peradabannya (the most civilized nations) resah jika Islam di Indonesia suatu saat menggeser kejayaan mereka.

Ketiga, boleh jadi para penggagas aliran sesat ini muncul hanya untuk mencari popularitas dan keuntungan pribadi. Sejak era reformasi bergulir dan rezim Suharto jatuh, tidak sedikit orang yang hendak mengail di air keruh. Saat siapa pun bebas berbicara, terbuka pula peluang untuk mempopulerkan diri sendiri (self – declared popularity). Napsu semacam ini tidaklah aneh. Memunculkan aliran baru dalam beragama menjadi pilihan yang dipandang strategis untuk sebuah popularitas. Tak hanya itu, denganbujuk rayu dan kadang disertai ancaman dosa jika tidak mematuhi, maka kalangan awam yang menjadi pengikut aliran baru itu pun rela mengeluarkan sejumlah uang untuk diberikan kepada penyebar ajaran baru, meski mereka sebenarnya diarahkan ke jalan yang sesat.

Saatnya mengurus umat

Untuk mengerem munculnya aliran-aliran sesat lanjutan di masa datang, ada beberapa hal yang dalam hemat penulis harus segera dilakukan. Pertama, para tokoh agama Islam mestilah kembali ke pangkuan umatnya. Saatnya umat diurus lagi dan para ulama tidak boleh lagi menyalahkan satu sama lain. Seperti dinasihatkan oleh Ketua Dewan Fatwa MUI KH Ma’ruf Amin dalam acara Pertemuan Kiai se-Indonesia di Pesantren Nurul Huda Al Islami, Pekanbaru, Riau (25 Agustus 2007), para ulama harus seperti bulan yang menyinari semua alam (public interests). Bukan seperti bintang, yang hanya bersinar untuk dirinya sendiri (personal interest). Ceramah-ceramah agama pun sudah harus disampaikan dengan cara-cara yang sejuk, damai dan ramah (friendly) agar umat merasa nyaman, bukan dibayangi oleh ketakutan. Kedua, Departemen Agama (Depag) wajib merespons dengan cepat setiap muncul keresahan tentang penyimpangan akidah di masyarakat. Sikap lambat Depag justeru merugikan kalangan awam yang memerlukan kepastian soal kebenaran agama yang selama ini mereka yakini. Ketiga, Polri dan jajaran intelijen di negeri ini harus pula mewaspadai adanya strategi asing yang hendak merusak stabilitas nasional. Jika Indonesia sebagai negara Muslim terbesar sukses dihancurkan akidahnya, maka akan selanjutnya negeri ini akan mudah untuk diadu domba. Perlu diingat bahwa Tanah Air kita tercinta ini terdiri dari ribuan pulau dengan beragam suku dan bahasa, yang tentu rentan dengan percikan api permusuhan.

Walhasil, kita wajib berdoa agar Bangsa Indonesia selamat dari bahaya disintegrasi dan penghancuran terselubung, baik oleh elemen internal maupun eksternal. Menjaga persatuan dan kesatuan umat Islam Indonesia sama artinya dengan menjaga keutuhan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) itu sendiri. Ini, jika keutuhan NKRI masih dirasa perlu untuk dipertahankan. (Penulis adalah peserta program Doktor pada National University of Malaysia (UKM)